My second IBH Blog Post will draw from the 3rd Diverse Perspective – “Student explains or illustrates perspectives of people in their historical context”.   

 

World War I is known to many as a conflict with foundations set in Europe, but a setting of the war that is seldom discussed in sources is colonial Africa. While the Central and Allied powers fought on the East and Western fronts, the “Imperial Battles” took place in Kenya, a UK colony, and the German territories including Togo, Cameroon, Namibia and German East Africa (Tanzania, Rwanda, Burundi). Like the tensions that erupted in the Balkans, there were disputes leading up to WWI within the African colonies. Incidents such as the two Moroccan Crises demonstrate the extent to which European powers engaged in competition for control of African territories.

 

Contrary to generalisations that warfare in the African fronts was small-scaled, the statistics suggest otherwise. According to SanBeck.org, over 750,000 troops were mobilised in East Africa alone to form the Allies’ indigenous force. Britain, France and Belgium coordinated a plot to attack and control German colonies; this plan was seen as a way to weaken supply of sources and hurt the German establishment. As WWI broke out, the British Navy took steps to blockade German East Africa. In mainland German East Africa, territories were claimed by Belgium and the UK. Cameroon and Togo would be overtaken by French colonial forces, primarily assembled from French West Africa, Madagascar and French Equatorial Africa. The German territory of Namibia was also swiped by the British in Southern Africa, along with the piece of the Congo taken post-2nd Moroccan Crisis (France took this territory back).

In order to understand how battles in Verdun or Gallipoli were synchronised would lead to fighting in Yaoundé or Dar es Salaam, the geographic context must be established.

 

In July 1914, France, Britain, Russia were the major powers constituting the Allied force, with minor forces including Belgium. There were colonies established by the French, British and Belgian administrations in Africa prior to the war; Germany was the only true Central power with territories in the continent. The Allies knew that a point through which the Kaiser’s Empire could be penetrated was the control of the colonies. German Cameroon, East and Southwest Africa were all significant sources for mineral and agricultural exports.

At the conclusion of the war in 1918, Germany would surrender its African colonies to the Alliance; France, the UK and Belgium would split the Empire’s former territories amongst themselves.

Below is a list of the African Allied and Central colonies in 1914. These groupings can be used to understand how the Alliance was able to reach German colonies with their neighbouring territories. This proximity shows why France, Belgium and the UK would’ve been interested in taking German colonies even prior to the war.

French African Colonies in 1914

French West Africa: Senegal, French Sudan (Mali) Mauritania, Niger, Dahomey (Benin), Ivory Coast, Guinea

North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco

French Equatorial Africa: Gabon, Ubangi-Shari (Central African Republic), Chad, French Congo State (Congo-Brazzaville)

 

British African Colonies in 1914 (South Africa is excluded as it became a Union in 1910)

West Africa – Nigeria, Gold Coast (Ghana), Sierra Leone, The Gambia

North Africa – Egypt/Sudan

East Africa – Kenya, Uganda, South Sudan, Nyasaland (Malawi), British Somaliland

Southern Africa – Northern Rhodesia (Zambia, Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe), Basutoland (Lesotho), Swaziland

 

Belgian Colonies in 1914 

Belgian Congo (Congo-Kinshasa)

 

German Colonies in 1914 

German East Africa (Tanzania, Rwanda)

German Southwest Africa (Namibia)

German Cameroons (Cameroon)

Togoland (Togo)

 

 

Sources

Beck, Sanderson. “East Africa 1700-1950.” East Africa 1700-1950 by Sanderson Beck, SanBeck.Org, www.san.beck.org/16-12-EastAfrica.html#a7.

Introduction

Generally, historians have come to a consensus in terms of the immediate causes of World War I. The two incidents most often mentioned are the Assassination of the Archduke Franz Ferdinand and the July Crisis. Post-WWI, using first-hand accounts, letters and articles, individuals have been able to piece together events between July 1914 and November 1918; however, at the time of the conflict’s start, a number of reasons were suggested to justify the intensification. This article will examine the perspective of 1914’s European leaders in regards to the triggers of World War I. The acts of war were ultimately signed by these individuals – their thought process leading up to the agreements are an essential element to analyze decisions made.

Tough Times

Context, context, context…this term is relevant to the evidence in the following section due to the tone of the individuals involved. Two important points of reference – 1) The “Big Five” in Europe in 1914 constituted of France, Russia, Austria-Hungary, Germany and the United Kingdom. 2) Aside from France, these powers were all a form of monarchy (constitutional or autocratic), and the royalty of each nation was related by intertwining marriages/relationships.

A key form of examining the thought process of European leaders prior to WWI is through communication. Telegrams and letters shall be used as indications of pre-war sentiments.

Between the Big Five, there were two primary opinions to consider when deducing the ultimate cause of World War I. Austria-Hungary supported a theory that the Serbian government plotted the assassination of Franz Ferdinand and his wife Sophie; Germany backed its ally, AH, in the event of an attack on Serbia. Meanwhile, the Serbian administration fervently denied any involvement in the assassination; Russia, the third power involved promised to uphold its alliance with Serbia if Germany and AH decided to act militarily.

The Russian government’s open letter to Serbia on July 11, 1914 (13 days after the assassination) demonstrates the conditions of the Russo-Serbian alliance and the ultimatum set by Austria-Hungary against Serbia. “[We advise that you] approve the proposal of the Minister of Foreign Affairs to get in touch with the Cabinets of the Great Powers in order to induce the Austro-Hungarian Government to grant a postponement in the matter of the answer to the ultimatum demands presented by the Austro-Hungarian Government. (Golemykin)” This statement made by Russian officials is a reflection of the urgency of the matter. Serbia had 48 hours to respond to the 23 demands set forth by A-H – this was seen as a short amount of time to inspect the document. Otherwise, an act of war would be signed by the Austro-Hungarian Empire, bringing Serbia, Germany and Russia into action. 

The back-and-forth between cousins Tsar Nicholas and Kaiser Wilhelm were a signal of Germany and Russia’s stances.
“Willy” justifies the Austro-Hungarian mobilizations by stating “The unscrupulous agitation that has been going on in Serbia for years has resulted in the outrageous crime, to which Archduke Francis Ferdinand fell a victim(..)all the persons morally responsible for the dastardly murder should receive their deserved punishment (Wilhelm II)

“According to “Nicky”, “The military measures which have now come into force were decided five days ago(…) I hope from all my heart that these measures won’t in any way interfere with your part as mediator which I greatly value. (Nicholas II)” The Tsar’s perspective refers to A-H advances towards the Russian border. This letter also confirms Nicholas’ wish for continued peace between Germany and Russia, which would be threatened if war ensued.  

 

The two cousins, Kaiser “Willy” of Germany and Tsar “Nicky” of Russia.

Image courtesy of BBC

Wilhelm’s penned response addresses Germany’s alliance with Austria-Hungary and its promises to Franz Joseph. “Austria has only mobilized against Serbia & only a part of her army. If (..) Russia mobilizes against Austria, my role as mediator (..) will be endangered if not ruined. (Wilhelm II)”  The German emperor deflects the pressure onto Russia by claiming that Austria-Hungary only wishes to attack parts of Serbia and not Russia as the Tsar indicated. As a result, Wilhelm declares that any Russian offense against A-H will be treated as an infraction. 

The United Kingdom and France, allied through the Entente Cordiale did not voice an opinion concerning the assassination of Franz Ferdinand in their communications. Nonetheless, the UK’s representatives were wary of any mobilization, citing peace and financial security as a justification.

A message sent from UK Foreign Secretary Edward Gray provides insight towards British attitudes and intentions during the July Crisis in a letter to British Ambassador to France, Francis Bertile. “I said that we had come to the conclusion, in the Cabinet today, that we could not give any pledge at the present time. The commercial and financial situation was exceedingly serious (Gray)” Based on this sentence, the government of the United Kingdom would prefer to avoid involvement due to the economic repercussions of participating in a war. “Up to the present moment, we did not feel, and public opinion did not feel, that any treaties or obligations of this country were involved. Further developments might alter this situation and cause the Government and Parliament to take the view that intervention was justified. (Gray) Such a statement from the Foreign Secretary would suggest that up until July 31st, 1914, the British administration had no motive to enter the continental debate. However, if any further arguments or events were to arise, this stance would change. 

The examples presented in these preceding instances are essential first-person sources to enlighten historians and individuals alike about pre-WWI tensions. By analyzing the communications between Europe’s powers in the month before the first battle, one is able to verify the credibility of leaders’ policies.

 

Sources

Goremykin. “Russian Memorandum of Advice to Serbia.” Received by Kingdom of Serbia, 24 July 1914.

Wilhelm II. “Kaiser to Tsar.” Received by Tsar Nicholas II, Germany, 30 July 1914, Berlin